The Social Construction of American Broadcasting: 1912-1922 (Susan J. Douglas)
Much to my surprise, I found this chapter very interesting. Having read Media and the American Mind by Daniel J. Czitrom and Tube of Plenty by Erik Barnaouw for MCMA 550 last year, I knew a lot of the beginning technological bits covered in Douglas’ chapter; such as the importance of amateur radio and the impact war and military use had on the technology. However, something that did stand out to me was the gendering of radio use. Operators and users were expected to be male and when it came time for war, the men were trained to become part of the Signal Corps; while women were seemingly only involved or trained enough so that they could teach the boys how to do their jobs.
I was surprised to see Douglas spend a page and a half entertaining occult and supernatural aspects of radio. Of course, Czitrom points out in Media and the American Mind that people both feared and were awestruck of the telegraph in the beginning due to its esoteric and occult nature; I find it interesting how with the introduction of new media, people find supernatural meaning to assign it.
My other interest in this article was the competing reasons people seemed to be interested in radio. First, it seems that people saw it as a way to learn and celebrate the differences of people throughout the country. Where someone could learn about a different region and a different way of life than the one they knew.
Then, the article turns and talks about all the ways radio was expected to unify and homogenize the nation through controlling the entertainment culture. Douglas talks about the potential (and preferred) used of radio to include: educational purposes (people could tune in to hear a Harvard lecture), musical performances (hoping for the broadcast of more high culture selections such as opera, instead of the popularly broadcast jazz music), better politics (more informed voters and more responsible and credible politicians), and religion (people could tune in to listen to sermons who could not attend actual services). This homogenization in the article is approached in a non-nefarious way that doesn’t seem as if Social Control was the goal; to turn the population into brainwashed masses. It did seem that these goals were to improve society and give people opportunities otherwise not available to them; however, these ideas when coupled with capitalism are easily muddied and abused.
Voice Over: The Making of Black Radio (William Barlow)
This packet of readings covers various aspects of black radio: from a survey of the history of “racial ventriloquy” and minstrel shows, to the business aspects of station acquisition such as governmental policies and regulations, to key figures in the history of black radio (such as James Brown, Stevie Wonder, and Cathy Hughes), and finally black public radio (including college stations, NPR, and community radio).
The most useful aspect of this reading, for me, was the introductory chapter that talks about minstrel shows. Many readings I have read over the last few semesters talk about African American stereotypes that are based on minstrel or vaudeville shows without much explanation of what these racist stereotypes mean. They are based on the idea that readers already know the characteristics of these stereotypes, so it has been hard to find that more introductory information. So, in that aspect, this chapter was invaluable because it provides the very necessary descriptions that I have been confused about such as the Jim Crow figure, Coon, and Interlocutor (2-4).
I also found it interesting that the racial ventriloquy went both ways: whites pretended to be black and African Americans pretended to be white. While, the first instance was purely in the name of mockery and oppression; the second example had to varieties, one to mock and one to allow them to fit in and acquire jobs they otherwise would not have access to.
Chapter 13 talks about the development of black radio ownership. Two staggering quotes from the chapter are in the first page: “The first two black-owned stations in the country were established in 1949” and “in 1970 only sixteen of the country’s eight thousand radio outlets were black owned.” 16/8000+, that is a shocking statistic. The chapter talks about key figures, movements, and media advocacy groups that helped changed regulations and policies involving broadcast ownership.
Chapter 14 describes key owners of black broadcast companies that helped pave the way for others. The chapter talks about James Brown, Stevie Wonder, Percy Sutton, and Cathy Huges. James Brown and Stevie Wonder are, obviously, musicians who bought stations. Percy Sutton was a lawyer who, as a child, dreamed of owning a radio station in order to “talk…about all the discriminatory things–about the injustices I saw all around me” (267). Cathy Hughes was a radio manager/producer turned professor at Howard University. She established a successful college station at Howard and eventually left and found her own success when running her own broadcast company, Radio One.
Chapter 15 talks about various forms of black public radio from college radio stations, to NPR, and community radio. Black public radio stations suffer from funding issues due to structural restrictions that determine what stations get funded/subsidized.
The Radio Reader (Michele Hilmes & Alexander Russo)
Hilmes’ chapter, Rethinking Radio, talks about the struggles radio studies went through in order to become a legitimate field of study. She talks about radio being swept under the cultural rug while film and television studies thrived. Film and television was seen as the mature media; while radio was seen as a defunct technology that acted as a stepping stone to get to the arrival of the paired-visual/audio media. Additionally, radio was seen as low-culture; film and television had ascended to higher culture status. However, in the 1980s, radio finally became studied in media departments. Hilmes notes, “radio now began to be perceived as part of the social glue that held America–and other nations–together” (10). She ends her chapter suggesting possible paths for the study of radio; paths including radio aesthetics and the everyday social function of radio.
Alexander Russo’s chapter, A Dark(end) Figure on the Airwaves: Race, Nation, and The Green Hornet, acts as a political analysis of the radio program The Green Hornet. The two most interesting maneuvers made by Russo in the article are discussing the political function of the show and its use of orientalism. Politically The Green Hornet functioned to critique excessive government power. Instead, the show “advanc[es] the argument that individual action, not collective action, is the best way to achieve these goals [redressing social ills]” (262).
The show invokes orientalism in several ways. The main character of the show is white and his sidekick is asian (first Japanese and when that becomes politically risky, they change his nationality); this sets up an automatic othering. Kato is other to Reid. By using this orientalism, it allows the writers to give Kato more mystical qualities associated with yellow peril (264). Thus, Reid has access to the hidden knowledge of the orient (through Kato) in order to fight crimes. In this way, initially, the show sets up an us versus them binary between Reid and Kato: Reid is western, Kato is oriental.
However, later in the show Kato’s orientalism is bifurcated. Kato is established as specifically not Japanese. Kato is asian, and thus not white, but he is also not Japanese; which distinguishes him from the real life enemy of America. Which, in essence, offers a situation of dual othering.